Ethical socialism is a political philosophy that appeals to socialism on ethical and moral grounds as opposed to economic , egoistic , and consumeristic grounds. Ethical socialism had a profound impact on the social democratic movement and reformism during the later half of the 20th century, particularly in Great Britain. The term ethical socialism initially originated as a pejorative by the Marxian economist Rosa Luxemburg against reformist, Marxist revisionist Eduard Bernstein and his supporters, who evoked neo-Kantian liberal ideals and ethical arguments in favour of socialism.
Tawney and its ideals were connected to Christian socialist, Fabian , and guild socialist ideals. Tawney denounced self-seeking amoral and immoral behaviour that he claimed is supported by capitalism. Alhough Tawney supported a substantial role for public enterprise in the economy, he stated that where private enterprise provided a service that was commensurate with its rewards that was functioning private property, then a business could be usefully and legitimately be left in private hands.
Ethical socialism was advocated and promoted by former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who has been influenced by John Macmurray who himself was influenced by Green. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Part of a series on Social democracy Development.
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More at LargePrintLiberty. One example of the approach of extending or retrenching the mixed economy and welfare state proposes a combination of two moves Corneo ch.
The first move is to revamp the welfare state by introducing mechanisms of greater accountability of politicians to citizens such as regulation of the dealings of politicians with private companies, and more instances of direct democracy in order to empower citizens , an improvement of the quality of public services delivered by the welfare state introducing exacting audits and evaluations and fostering the training and recruitment of excellent civil servants , and international coordination of tax policies to prevent tax competition and tax evasion.
The second move in this proposal is to run controlled experiments of market socialism to present it as a credible threat to the powerful actors seeking to undermine the welfare state. This threat would help stabilize the welfare state as the menace of communist revolution did after Specifically, welfare states could create new institutions that would be relatively independent from governments and be run by highly competent and democratically accountable civil servants.
The objective would be to show that these enterprises which would include significant participation of workers in their management, and ethical guidelines regarding environmental impacts and other concerns maximize profits and thus offer a desirable and feasible alternative to the standard capitalist enterprise. Effectively, this strategy would run controlled experiments of shareholder market socialism. The working population would learn about the feasibility of market socialism, and capitalist opponents of welfare entitlements would be disciplined by fear of the generalization of such experiments to settle again for the welfare state.
Another strategy is to introduce various experiments seeking to expand the impact of social power as different from state and economic power within society as defined in sect.
See survey in Wright chs. A set of mechanisms would target the deepening of democracy. The quality of representative democracy can be enhanced and its subservience to the power of capitalists decreased by introducing egalitarian funding of electoral campaigns e.
Finally, forms of associational democracy can be introduced that feature deliberation or bargaining between government, labor, business, and civil society groups when devising national economic policies or when introducing regional or local e. A second set of mechanisms would foster social empowerment more directly in the economy.
Examples are the promotion of the social economy sector featuring economic activity involving self-management and production oriented to use value as displayed, e. None of these mechanisms on its own would make a society socialist rather than capitalist. An increase in the incidence of social empowerment may significantly extend the socialist aspects of a society, and even eventually make them dominant a point to which we return in the next section.
A final point worth mentioning as we close our discussion of dimension DII of socialism concerns the growing interest in addressing not only the economic arena, but also the political and personal-private ones. Thus, recent socialist work has increasingly explored how to extend socialist principles to the organization of relatively autonomous governmental institutions and practices and to the shaping of intimate relationships among family members, friends, and lovers, as well as to the relations between these diverse social arenas see also Fraser , ; Albert There is, of course, also a long-standing tradition of feminist socialism that has pushed for a wide scope in the application of socialist ideals and a broader understanding of labor that covers productive and reproductive activities beyond the formal workplace see, e.
We turn now to the last dimension of socialism DIII , which concerns the transformation of capitalist societies into socialist ones.
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The discussion on this dimension is difficult in at least two respects which call for philosophical exploration Gilabert a: —23, — The first issue concerns feasibility. The question is whether socialist systems are accessible from where we are now—whether there is a path from here to there. But what does feasibility mean here? It cannot just mean logical or physical possibility, as these would rule out very few social systems.
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The relevant feasibility parameters seem instead to involve matters of technical development, economic organization, political mobilization, and moral culture. For some discussion on these parameters see Wright ch. When something is not feasible to do right now, we could have dynamic duties to make it feasible to do later by developing our relevant capacities in the meantime.
The feasibility judgments must then be scalar rather than binary and allow for diachronic variation. These features make them somewhat murky, and not straightforwardly amenable to the hard-edged use of impossibility claims to debunk normative requirements via contraposition on the principle that ought implies can.
A second difficulty concerns the articulation of all things considered appropriate strategies that combine feasibility considerations with the normative desiderata provided by socialist principles. The question here is: what is the most reasonable path of transformation to pursue for socialists given their understanding of the principles animating their political project, viewed against the background of what seems more or less feasible to achieve at different moments, and within different historical contexts?
Complex judgments have to be formed about the precise social systems at which it would be right to aim at different stages of the sequence of transformation, and about the specific modes of political action to deploy in such processes. These judgments would combine feasibility and desirability to assess short-term and long-term goals, their intrinsic costs and benefits, and the promise of the former to enhance the achievement of the latter.
The difficulty of forming such judgments is compounded by the uncertainty about the prospects of large societal changes but also about the long-term consequences of settling for the status quo. Marx here envisioned the process of socialist transformation as including two phases.
But he did not take that scenario to be immediately accessible. An intermediate step should be pursued, in which the economy would be ruled by a Contribution Principle requiring that after some provisions are put aside to fulfill basic needs regarding health care, education, and support for those unable to work people gain access to consumption goods in proportion to how much they contribute.
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This lower phase of socialist transformation would be reasonable because it would enhance the prospects of transitioning away from capitalism and of generating the conditions for the full realization of socialism. The implementation of the Contribution Principle would fulfill the promise systematically broken by capitalism that people would benefit according to their labor input as in capitalism capitalists get much more, and workers much less, than they give. It would also incentivize people to increase production to the level necessary for the introduction of socialism proper.
This sequential picture of transformation features diachronic judgments about changes in feasibility parameters such as the expansion of technical capacity and a change in patterns of motivation. History has not moved smoothly in the direction many socialists predicted. It has not been obvious that the following steps in the expected pattern materialized or are likely to do so: capitalism generating a large, destitute, and homogeneous working class; this class responding to some of the cyclical crises capitalism is prone to by creating a coherent and powerful political movement; this movement gaining control of government and resolutely and successfully implementing a socialist economic system G.
Cohen b: ch. Given the fact that this process did not materialize, and seems unlikely to do so, it turns out that it would be both self-defeating and irresponsible to fail to address difficult questions about the relative feasibility and moral desirability of different strategies of potential socialist transformation.
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For example, if the process of transformation involves two or more stages be they the two mentioned above, or some sequence going, say, from the welfare state to shareholder or coupon market socialism and then to the Carensian model , it might be asked who is to evaluate and decide upon what is to be done at each stage of the process, on what grounds can it be expected that earlier stages will enhance the likelihood of the success of later stages rather than undermine them e.
Such questions do not want for difficulty. Addressing questions such as these dilemmas of transitional strategy, socialists have envisaged different approaches to social and political transformation. Four significant examples extensively discussed in Wright Part III, b, —which we follow here are articulated by considering two dimensions of analysis regarding a the primary goal of the strategy either i transcending the structures of capitalism, or ii neutralizing the worst harms of it and b the primary target of the strategy either i the state and other institutions at the macro-level of the system, or ii the economic activities of individuals, organizations, and communities.
The first strategy, smashing capitalism , picks out the combination of possibilities a. A political organization e. This is the strategy favored by revolutionary socialists and many Marxists, and pursued in the twentieth century in countries such as Russia and China. If we look at the historical evidence, we see that although this strategy succeeded in some cases in transitioning out of previously existing capitalist or proto-capitalist economic systems, it failed in terms of building socialism.