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To learn more about Copies Direct watch this short online video. Need help? How do I find a book? Can I borrow this item? Can I get a copy? The hold on their adherents became stronger, the loyalty of the santri students at a pesantren to their kiai was strengthened because they also associated themselves with the Kadiriah Sartono, , In general affection and respect were felt for the kiai by the peasantry, who regarded them as symbols of enlightenment. These local leaders received religious contributions, became landowners which enhanced their status even more.
They were able to mobilize their followers, who had sworn unconditional obedience and were bound to secrecy, at any moment desired. Consequently, it was easy to induce the population to take part in a revolt. Obviously, these pesantrens and tarekats, which were numerous in North Banten at the end of the last century, also served as networks of information and as centres for the preparation of underground uprisings.
Each pesantren was potentially a centre of anti-European sentiment Benda, , Meetings were concealed from colonial officials and native religious officials who were regarded as accomplices of the colonial authorities.
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Religious wedding and circumcision festivals, but also regular prayer services were the traditional fronts. Indeed, the cunning and secrecy of the population and their local leaders were the reasons why the colonial rulers were, time after time, unaware of the outbreak of a revolt. During the second half of the 19th century the number of pilgrims also increased substantially. The mystical brotherhoods Naqsabandiah, Saliriah and Kadiriah, three Sufi orders, were the driving forces behind the Islamic revival in various regions of Java.
Their missionary force came from the haji who had returned from Mecca as adherents of the tarekats. These tarekats not only brought about the revival of zealous religious practices, but also introduced intolerance and fanaticism Sartono, , ; especially the kiai who had stayed in Mecca for one or more years to increase their knowledge were held in great respect, but those who enjoyed an even higher social status among the people were the guru tarekat tarekat teachers.
Sheikh Abdulkarim Banten was not a radical revolutionary. Not until after his departure to Mecca in did the tarekat undergo a fundamental transformation: a strong anti-foreign prejudice infiltrated the tarekat ideology and in the end rebellious haji and tarekat teachers virtually subjected mystical discipline to political goals Sartono, , , , Illustration: Map of the region of Banten. Therefore it is not surprising that Kiai Wasid, the chief rebel in the Cile- gon revolt, remained a hero not only in the eyes of the population of Cilegon, but throughout Banten.
It is essential to discern that in Bantenese society an inward as well as an outward reality always plays a role. Without knowledge of this inward reality it is not possible to gain good insight into what is really going on under the surface in this region. An additional problem is that foreign - and perhaps even Indonesian - researchers can hardly establish contacts with the underground level. As was mentioned earlier, the tarekat members have pledged themselves not only to obey the guru tarekat but also to ensure strict secrecy.
It seems that the Bantenese were proud of their history, their cultural and mystical world and, as a result, were outwardly capable of complying with the excessive demands of the colonial government without this affecting them inwardly. They bided their time until a new opportunity for revolt was afforded. Did the communists mobilize the religious leaders or was it the other way round?
A third historical anchorage was formed in the ' s when local leaders started to become politically aware. Not only did the first political associations come into being at that time but also the largest political mass movement that Indonesia has ever known, the Sarekat Islam S. Wertheim; Van Niel, , This movement was continued in in Yogya by Haji Samanhudi, but shortly afterwards the executive committee came under the leadership of Raden Mas H.
Cokroaminoto in Surabaya. After the movement assumed enormous proportions and soon it claimed a membership of more than two millions Blumberger, , 59; Van Niel, , The Javanese peasants had pinned all their hopes on the S. Yet the policy of the executive committee was directed more and more towards the enforcement of democratic rights, as a result of which religion faded more and more into the background, whereas it was precisely Islam that had made it so popular at all levels of the population.
The Islamic peasants felt they had been left in the lurch and dropped out of the movement. In the higher circles of Islamic leaders discord arose: the modernist leaders, united in the Muhammadiyah, an association which had been formed in , were striving for purification of the faith, stripped of all local influences, and for adjustment to the demands of modern times. The local traditional kiai, who felt this as a threat to their position, were vehemently opposed to this.
They joined the S. Among the members of the executive committee of the S.
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Obviously, these developments on the national level were reflected in Ban- ten. The rapid growth of the S.
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This resulted in the movement assuming a different nature. Hasan Djajadiningrat, chairman of the S. In April , he tried to form a local board without kiai, but his policies were superseded by the events. The discovery in that same year of the so-called Section B of the local S. In this way they voiced their suppressed resistance against the Ethical policy of the government, which had backed the S. Ensering, M.
After the death of Hasan Djajadiningrat in , Kiai Tubagus Bantenese title given to noblemen who belonged to the sultan's family Achmad Chatib took the chair of the S. But, as was the case elsewhere on Java, the influence of the S. Not until the end of did the P. I, suddenly have several thousand members and in this number was even larger Williams, , Membership was then estimated at 12,, including women members Williams, , Before further examining this phenomena, we will first give some background information on a few S.
It appears that Kiai Asnawi, Chatib's father-in-law and founder of the pesantren Caringin, during an eight-year stay in Mecca followed the teachings of Sheikh Abdulkarim Banten who was the leader of the tarekat Kadiriah and who came from the Tanara district information given by M. One of the Kadiriah centres in Tangerang is the pesantren Doyong in the desa Jati and it was led in the 19th century by Kiai Rasihun.
After his death, he was succeeded by Kiai Chaerun born in and married to one of Rasihun' s daughters.
Their son, Achmad Chaerun, received his initial education in the pesantren Doyong, but very soon he was committed to the care of Asnawi from in Caringin. During his training period he met the student Chatib and a close friendship developed between them. Chaerun completed his studies with a stay in Mecca where he also followed the teachings of Abdulkarim Banten Sumarda, , On his return he married and opened a place of prayer in the kampong Pengodokan.
At the urgent insistance of his brother-in-law, Haji Nafis, he became a member of the S. The old board was considered to be too middle- of-the-road. In , the S. The local S.
I, which they had formed during a congress on December , This S. I, under the chairmanship of Sutan Ibrahim gelar Datuk Tan Malaka who was of Minangkabau nobility and was born in As a result of his forceful leadership of the P. Tan Malaka was banished by the Netherlands-Indies government in He was not to come back until twenty years later when he was to play a major part on the national level during the years Anderson, , , It is likely that Chatib influenced Chaerun to turn communist.